1. The spiritual meaning of prayer
For any rational being, knowledge of God is directly linked to the theme of communion with God. Prayer is one of the most powerful, authentic and sublime expressions of the Christian faith, of communion with God. Every person, in times of trial, turns naturally to God, hoping for support, protection and mercy. Saint John Chrysostom (349–407), Patriarch of Constantinople, the best-known representative of the Antiochene school of theology and an exegete of Holy Scripture particularly beloved by Byzantine monasticism, formulated what appears to be the simplest and, at the same time, the most profound definition of it: ‘Prayer,’ he says, ‘is a dialogue with God’1 Undoubtedly, however, the most brilliant definition of the relationship between prayer and theology was formulated by Evagrius Ponticus, a disciple of the Cappadocian Fathers, in his work The Practical Treatise: ‘If you are a theologian, you will pray properly, and if you pray properly, you are a theologian’2 In this context, however, the word ‘theology’ appears to be the highest stage of the spiritual life, the goal of the entire spiritual experience of the Christian life. Nevertheless, Christian spirituality has travelled a long and extensive path to arrive at these profound understandings of prayer. In this work, we shall endeavour to analyse the external and internal aspects of prayer in the early Christian writings, particularly in the so-called Apostolic Works, and in the writings of Tertullian, St Cyprian, Clement of Alexandria and Origen, but we shall also examine a number of later writers from the ascetic tradition of the Fourth-century Fathers.
According to one of the earliest founders of Eastern monasticism, Evagrius Ponticus, ‘prayer elevates man above his natural state, raising him to the height of the angels. Thus, through true prayer, the monk reaches the height of the angels’3’ This statement about prayer is not incidental, but forms part of an overall vision of the spiritual ascent towards God. The spiritual ascent, according to Abba Evagrius, consists of three stages: The first is ‘practice’ or ‘work’ (πρακτική), which consists in liberation from the passions; the second is ‘contemplation of nature’ (φυσικὴ θεωρία), which consists in contemplating the Creator’s work, which reveals His greatness and wisdom; and the third and highest level is ‘theology’ (θεολογία), participation in the life of the Holy Trinity, the supreme goal of the Christian ascetic life, that is to say, the experiential knowledge of the Trinity, which is the result of the revelation of the Son by the Father, supported in their joint work by the Holy Spirit. Thus, the final stage of the spiritual ascent is directly linked to the act of prayer. The theologian, according to the great hermit, is one who can converse with God to the extent that his mind is in a steady state, undistracted by the passions and the sinful thoughts that spring from them, being fully absorbed in his direct dialogue with the Creator 4.
Thus, prayer becomes a lifelong vocation for the Christian who seeks salvation in the most radical way – through monastic asceticism. This is precisely what we find in the Sayings of the Desert Fathers. The anonymous author of the text says: ‘The monk who prays only when he prays does not pray at all’5
According to Metropolitan Kallistos of Dioclesia, these words of the anonymous compiler of the Sayings of the Desert Fathers were in fact inspired by the exhortation of Saint Paul the Apostle: ‘Pray without ceasing’ (1 Thessalonians 5:17)6. What is the meaning of this advice? In fact, it forms part of the apostolic exhortation addressed to the Christians of Thessalonica to lead a fully Christian life, and prayer lies at its practical heart. This also appears to be the meaning of the words of St Macarius the Egyptian 7 in his Spiritual Homilies. For him, prayer is the constant ‘remembrance of God’ (μνήμη τοῦ Θεοῦ): ‘The Christian, (however), is duty-bound always to remember God... to love the Lord not only when you go to your place of prayer, but to remember God and love Him even whilst you are walking, talking and eating, so that you may preserve your love and zeal for Him’8).
Other words by the same author carry the same meaning; in the context of ‘remembering God’, states that much talk is not required of the Most High, but rather complete worship and obedience to Him, not only in every moment of life’s tribulation, but throughout the entire journey of man’s struggle and endeavour: ‘There is no need for much talk; stretch out your arms and say: “Have mercy on me, Lord, according to Your will and wisdom!” And if the spiritual struggle becomes even fiercer, say: ‘Help me, Lord!’ He [God] knows what is best for us and is merciful towards us’9”.
Thus, perseverance in prayer is not directly linked to its verbal expression. Prayer may be very brief; it may, for example, be based on the words of one of the psalms. Particularly widespread in early monasticism is the opening phrase, following the title, of Psalm 100: ‘Have mercy on me, O God, according to Your great mercy and according to the multitude of Your compassions, blot out my transgression!’ What is important is that the prayer, beginning on the lips, should reach the mind and descend from the mind into the heart – the centre of the spiritual life, according to the Holy Fathers. St Basil the Great, in his homily on the martyr Julitta, affirms precisely this – that Christian prayer is not merely a matter of asking for this or that, but extends to the whole of the Christian life; the power of prayer, according to him, is manifested in the very disposition of the soul and in the spirit of virtue, encompassing the whole of life and culminating in union with God through the unceasing prayer of the mind 10. Thus, prayer seems to begin to resemble the other activities that ceaselessly sustain the life of the body – the beating of the heart and breathing – but which are now performed by the human mind within the heart. How is such a thing possible?
To fulfil what St Basil the Great has clearly stated, we may add the testimony of St Isaac the Syrian that unceasing prayer of the heart is not a personal endeavour, but represents the presence and active work of the Holy Spirit Himself within the human heart, and is understood by the early Christian ascetic Fathers as ‘the prayer of the Holy Spirit within us’. This is an uninterrupted work within him, regardless of the other activities and duties of life 11.
In this regard, it should not be overlooked that, from the very beginnings of Christian monasticism, prayer in the ascetic experience has been linked to ‘hesychia’ (ἡσυχία). What is distinctive about this concept is that it does not simply mean ‘silence’, but rather an entire spiritual disposition of unceasing and profound prayer towards God; it is, in fact, the practical dimension of a constant ‘remembrance of God’. This can be seen very clearly in the exhortations of St Anthony 12, in the teachings of Evagrius Ponticus to his brothers 13, and in the wise reflections of Abba Ammonas 14.
2. The Time of Prayer in Early Christianity
Prayer was a central element of the worship of the early Church as far back as the New Testament era, serving also as a fervent expression of faith during the difficult times of bearing witness to the faith before the persecutors of Christianity. Nevertheless, we have evidence of prayers from a much earlier period 15. Undoubtedly, the first generations of Christians had before them both the model of Jewish prayer and the prayer practices of the pre-Christian Greco-Roman pagan world. Among the Jews, the other Semitic peoples of the Near East, the Greeks and the Romans, both public and private prayers had been practised since the earliest times. The same is true of all ancient peoples. In the early Christian Church, a liturgical practice began to take shape as early as the New Testament era. It undoubtedly stems from the Jewish tradition. In Judaism, prayer to the One God is regarded as ‘the private worship of God’16). Christian prayer was certainly inspired to a large extent by its natural environment, namely the prayer practices of Judaism in late antiquity.
Despite attempts over the last two centuries to paint a unified picture of Jewish prayer practice in the New Testament era, it appears that the picture is in fact far more complex and varied 17. Different groups within the Jewish religious community probably had prayer practices that differed to varying degrees from one another. What we do know is that amongst the Jews of the New Testament period, there was both private and communal prayer 18. Private prayer at home seems to have been associated with the recitation of the Shema 19. We have evidence of this in the Mishnah, which provides clear guidance on the practice of prayer 20. On the other hand, it is clear from the New Testament that the Jews also practised public prayer. Here is what is said in the Book of the Acts of the Apostles: ‘Now Peter and John were going up to the temple at the ninth hour to pray. And there was a man who had been lame from birth, whom they would carry and place every day at the gate of the temple called the Beautiful Gate, so that he might ask for alms from those entering the temple; who, seeing that Peter and John were about to enter the temple, asked them for alms” (Acts of the Apostles 3:1–3).
Clearly, the Holy Apostles Peter and John had come to the temple for their customary prayer, which was a public occasion, whilst the lame man, who was at the temple gates every day, was waiting for the time of prayer to beg for alms from the people who came to pray. What appears to be an important detail is the nature of the practice of prayer within the synagogue during the period following the Babylonian Exile (597–539), for the Jewish elite during the Exile, being separated from the Temple in Jerusalem, turned to a systematic and rational study of their tradition, and the synagogue emerged as a place for the study and interpretation of Scripture and, probably, as a Hebrew-style communal house of prayer, a beit kneset, meaning ‘house of assembly’, rather than a temple (21).
Among the various Jewish sects, prayer practices did not always follow a uniform pattern, as was the case in the Temple in Jerusalem. There, prayers were probably held three or four times a day (morning, noon, evening and midnight) 22 or twice a day (morning and evening) 23. In the Jewish tradition established after the destruction of the Temple, there are three main daily prayers – shacharit (morning), mincha (midday) and maariv (evening). In Jewish tradition, it is believed that the first was instituted by Abraham, the second by Isaac, and the third by Jacob. A prayer of particular importance in Judaism is the barkat ha-mazon, which is a blessing after a meal. Its text is believed to have been composed by Moses, Joshua, David and even Solomon 24.
From the Qumran manuscripts, it can be inferred that the members of the religious community there prayed six times a day 25. The members of the sect addressed God three times during the day, in accordance with the accounts in the Book of Daniel – a passage that would remain a model of prayer for many Christian authors: ‘As soon as Daniel learnt that a decree had been issued, he went into his house, which had a window in the upper room facing Jerusalem; and three times a day he knelt down, prayed and gave thanks to God, just as he had done before’ (Daniel 6:10).
Then, during the night, he offered three further prayers, spaced at equal intervals 26. We find a similar account in the writings of the Jewish historian Josephus, who, in his work Antiquities of the Jews—which, incidentally, is well known to Christian writers— at least until the fourth century, mentions three daily prayers, at the third, sixth and ninth hours 27. It is highly likely that this was the most common practice amongst the Jews, and that is precisely why it was adopted by the Early Church.
It can be assumed with a high degree of probability that there was a public morning prayer in the Temple in Jerusalem, and probably an evening prayer accompanied by a sacrifice, at around 3.00 pm, which, in their time, corresponded to the so-called ninth hour. The Temple prayer involved the reading aloud of passages from the Tefillah during the sacrifices 28. What is known about rabbinic practice in the first century, during the time of Rabbi Gamaliel, is that passages from the Shema were recited in the morning and evening, whilst passages from the Tefillah were recited in the morning, evening and late afternoon 29. Thus, it can be concluded that, at the time of the Church’s founding, public prayer in the Temple-centred Jewish community took place three times a day, whilst prayer in the synagogue took place twice. It may be assumed that this fact had a decisive influence on the emergence of early Christian worship and the practice of prayer 30.
Although scholars have put forward various theories regarding Christian prayer twice, three times and five times a day at the end of the first century, the only indisputable evidence from that period is found in the anonymous work The Didache. It states that Christians must pray three times a day using the ‘Our Father’ (Πάτερ ἡμῶν)31. This practice was modelled on the Jewish tradition, and likely refers to the third, sixth and ninth hours of the day. However, the explanation regarding these hours varies across different sources. The anonymous Coptic document known as the Apostolic Tradition 32 states that the symbolism of these hours reflects the chronology of Christ’s crucifixion, as described in the Gospel according to Mark. Here, the morning and evening prayers are linked to the image of Christ as the sacrificial Lamb. This appears to echo the morning and evening worship in the Temple in Jerusalem.
Saint Clement of Alexandria (c. 150–215), one of the earliest authorities of the Alexandrian school of catechesis, says of prayer: ‘The Christian prays throughout his life, striving through prayer to draw near to God… Every place and time in which we think of God is in fact holy’33). However, in his work Stromata, he considers that the hours mentioned above symbolise the Holy Trinity – the Triune God of Christians 34. Clement also mentions prayer before meals, the singing of hymns during meals and before bedtime, and evening prayer, linking prayer three times a day to the practice of accomplished Christians, whom he calls ‘the wise’ and ‘Gnostics’ (γνωστοκοί)35. It is highly likely that we are looking at a form of proto-monasticism, that is, a group of Christians who led a rigorous ascetic life and were more devoted to God than other members of the Church. It is precisely amongst them that prayer is most fervent 36.
In the third century, Origen wrote a special treatise on the importance of prayer in the Christian Church – On Prayer. He mentions important details regarding prayer practices dating back to the apostolic age. For the first hour of prayer, he refers to the prophet Daniel (VI, 10) and Psalm V, 3 of David, whilst he links the midday prayer to the Apostle Peter’s prayer on the roof at midday (Acts 10:1–9)37; he explains the evening prayer as deriving from the practice of offering sacrifice recorded in the Book of Psalms: ‘Let my prayer rise before You like incense; the lifting up of my hands, an evening sacrifice’ (Psalm CXL, 2)38.
Commentators on this passage from Origen still debate whether it refers to three or four times a day and to which times of day he is writing, as it is not entirely explicit, given that his readers were perfectly familiar with the context of the prayer practices of the time and he did not deem it necessary to provide further details 39. Confirmation of the practice of praying three times during the day, without the midday prayer being precisely fixed, is mentioned in another of Origen’s writings. This is his Commentary on the Song of Songs, in which he explains at length the significance of the midday prayer, but without setting an exact time for it 40. Greater clarity regarding the practice of prayer in Alexandria during Origen’s time is provided by his work Against Celsus. Here, however, he makes a clear distinction between the three daily prayers required of every Christian and, separately, the midnight prayer 41. It appears that, according to his account, daytime prayers are distinct from night-time prayers.
At the end of the second century and the beginning of the third century, Tertullian taught in Carthage (c. 160–222). A text devoted to prayer has also been preserved from him. He also mentions that, in the Old Testament, Christians traditionally prayed at the third, sixth and ninth hours. According to him, the third hour has its origin in the event of Pentecost, for it was precisely at this hour that the Holy Spirit descended upon the apostles in the form of tongues of fire (Acts of the Apostles 2:1–4)42. The sixth hour, Tertullian notes, clearly derives from the Apostle Peter’s ascent onto the roof of the house to pray for a vision – it was at that very hour (Acts of the Apostles X, 9). The ninth hour, he argues, also stems from Old Testament tradition, because the same Apostle Peter went up with the Apostle John ‘at the ninth hour’ to pray at the temple, when they healed the lame man. And although, according to Tertullian, there is no written prescription in the Church regarding the times of prayer, it has been clear ever since the time of the prophet Daniel that Israel prayed no fewer than three times a day, which is why Christians do so in the name of the Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit. In addition to the usual prayers that Christians say at sunrise and sunset, it would be good for them to pray to God for spiritual nourishment both before a meal, before bathing, and before any worldly activity 43. We find similar testimony and arguments regarding the practice of prayer at the third, sixth and ninth hours in another of his writings, entitled ‘On Fasting’ 44.
Tertullian’s theological successor in Carthage, the illustrious Bishop of the city, St Cyprian, also provides information regarding the practice of prayer in the province of Africa in the third century. He links the threefold prayer of the prophet Daniel to these same hours of the day and also reaffirms the Trinitarian basis of these hours of prayer. Similarly, St Cyprian links the ninth hour to the crucifixion of Christ. Although he was aware of the Jewish heritage of the practice of the threefold prayer, he was convinced that it had been instituted by the Apostolic Church. This, according to him, is ancient, but over time ‘the sacraments have multiplied in number’45 within the Church. Although he does not clarify what he means, it appears that by ‘sacraments’ (scramenta) he is not referring to the ‘seven sacraments’, since at that time these were not regarded as sacraments in their own right 46, separate from the Eucharist, but rather as prayers and, more specifically, the number of prayers recited each day and on various occasions. We can state with certainty that the early Christians lived with the awareness that prayer was a ‘mystery’ in the broadest sense of the word and that it, as a conversation with God, constituted an important, indeed central, element of the religious life of Christians on the path to salvation. According to Saint Cyprian of Carthage, the new prayer practices established by Christians are in the morning, in honour of the Resurrection, at sunset, in honour of Christ as the true sun and true day, and finally he recommends night or evening prayer – a testimony to the enduring nature of prayer as an expression of strong faith in God and of salvation 47. Indeed, this was to become the ideal of monastic life in the Middle Ages.
We may conclude that, in early Christian literature, the rhythm of prayer was inspired chiefly by the Book of Daniel (VI) and Psalm 140:2: ‘Let my prayer rise before You like incense; the lifting up of my hands, an evening sacrifice’, as well as from certain passages in the New Testament which refer to the times of prayer in the Old Testament. In addition to Clement, Origen, Tertullian and St Cyprian of Carthage speak of praying three times a day, which is apparently linked to the third, sixth and ninth hours. The question of whether, when speaking of the evening prayer, this refers to the ninth hour or to midnight remains unresolved. Something similar may also be attested by the early Christian document The Didache, which, incidentally, is of particular importance as one of the best-preserved liturgical testimonies of the Church from the end of the first century. It is remarkable that the text was probably composed before the Second Epistle of Saint Peter the Apostle and the Book of Revelation by Saint John the Theologian 48.
The greater number of prayers—more than three times a day—found in early Christian monasticism may be seen as an influence from various apocalyptic sects within Judaism, such as the Essenes. It is known that they prayed more than three times a day 49. For example, in the community of St Pachomius in Egypt, prayers are said in the morning, at midday, in the evening and at night, and the number of prayers can range from six to eight times a day. As is evident from his life, Pachomius himself recommended unceasing prayer for the entire monastic community, from morning until sunset, and even at night 50.
However, nowhere in these sources is it mentioned whether these hours refer to communal or private Christian prayer. Tertullian, in his aforementioned work, writes that Christians ‘often gather for prayer’42 It may be assumed that he is referring to the liturgical gatherings that take place at least once a week – namely, the Eucharistic gathering, the liturgy, since, using similar words, Saint Justin the Martyr and Philosopher had described, shortly before, precisely the Sunday service of the Christians in the First Apology 51. Consequently, it may be assumed that the ‘hours of prayer’ refer to times of private prayer. However, what we must bear in mind is that in that era there were no such clear distinctions between public and private life, particularly amongst the common people who lived in extended families.
In this text, sources from the Holy Fathers and other authors of late antiquity will be cited according to their title and identification number in Clavis Patrum Graecorum, vols. I–V = CPG; Clavis Patrum Latinorum = CPL, Bibliotheca Hagiographica Graeca = BHG, or by the Latin names generally accepted in scholarship.
- 1
Homilies 1–67 on Genesis, 30.5 (CPG 4409).
- 2
De oratione, 60 (CPG 2452). Cf. D. Fagerberg, ‘Prayer as Theology’, in: Roy Hammerling, A History of Prayer. The First to Fifteenth Century, Brill, Leiden, Boston, 2008, pp. 118–119.
- 3
On Prayer, 36.
- 4
Practicus, 1–2 (CPG 2430). See Ya. Kaminis, ‘Evagrius of Pontus: Theology as a Way of Life’. Forum Theologicum Sardicense, 2 (2016), p. 116.
- 5
Apophthegmata, 104 (CPG 5561).
- 6
Kallistos Ware, Metropolitan of Diokleia, The Inner Kingdom. Trans. B. Marinov, Omofor, Sofia, pp. 134 ff.
- 7
There is considerable controversy within academic circles as to who exactly St Macarius was and whether the Homilies in question are indeed his work. We shall not enter into this discussion here, as the Spiritual Homilies are in themselves an authentic testimony to early Christian monasticism, whoever their author may be.
- 8
Homiliae spirituals, 43.3 (CPG 2411).
- 9
Apophthegmata, 19.
- 10
Homily on the Martyr Iulitta, 3–4 (CPG 2849).
- 11
Ascetic Sermons and Epistles, 35 (CPG 7868).
- 12
Apophthegmata, 10.
- 13
Rerum monachalium rationes, 8 (CPG 2441).
- 14
Apophthegmata, 4.
- 15
D.W. Fagerberg, ‘Prayer as Theology’, in: Roy Hammerling, A History of Prayer: The First to Fifteenth Century, Brill, Leiden, Boston, 2008, pp. 118–182.
- 16
Sidur Vrata Molitvî (Șirei Tifil) for the daily services, the Sabbath and festivals, in the ‘Ashkenaz’ tradition, Jerusalem–Moscow: Mahaim Joint, 1993. p. 13.
- 17
R. Taft, The Liturgy of the Hours in East and West, The Liturgical Press, Collinsville, Minnesota, 1986, p. 6.
- 18
See Sidur Vrata Molitvî (Șirei Tifil), pp. 23–24.
- 19
Ibid., pp. 39–40.
- 20
Sidur Vrata Molitvî (Șirei Tifil), pp. 26–29. D. K. Falk, ‘Jewish Prayer Literature and the Jerusalem Church’, in: R. Bauckham, The Book of Acts in its Palestinian Setting, Paternoster/Grand Rapids, Carlisle, 1995, p. 296.
- 21
Sv. Ribolov, ‘The Septuagint and the Tradition of the Greek Fathers’, in: Tradition and Context in the Theology of the Greek Fathers, Sofia: Synod, 2014, pp. 74–80. Cf. Sidur Vrata Molitvî (Shirei Tefillah), pp. 27–28.
- 22
P. Bradshaw, Daily Prayer in the Early Church: A Study of the Origin and Early Development of the Divine Office. Oxford University Press, London, New York, 1982, pp. 4–11.
- 23
D. K. Falk, ‘Jewish Prayer Literature and the Jerusalem Church’, in: R. Bauckham, The Book of Acts in its Palestinian Settings, Eerdmans, Grand Rapids, Michigan, 1995, pp. 293–296.
- 24
See Sidur Vrata Molitvî (Șirei Tifil), pp. 39–41.
- 25
R. C. D. Arnold, ‘Qumran Prayer as an Act of Righteousness’, The Jewish Quarterly Review, 95 (2005), pp. 509–529.
- 26
L. Ed. Phillips, ‘Prayer in the First Four Centuries A.D.’, in: Roy Hammerling, A History of Prayer: The First to Fifteenth Century, Brill, Leiden, Boston, 2008, p. 34.
- 27
Josephus, Antiquities, 14, 65.
- 28
L. Ed. Phillips, ‘Prayer in the First Four Centuries AD’, p. 36.
- 29
See Sidur Vrata Molitvî (Tifil Strings), pp. 39–41.
- 30
Al. Steweart-Sykes, ‘Prayer Five Times a Day and at Midnight: Two Apostolic Customs’, Studia Liturgica 33 (2003), pp. 1–19.
- 31
The Didache, 8.3 (CPG 1000.6). See the translation by Metropolitan Simeon of Varna, The First Epistle of Clement to the Corinthians; The Teaching of the Twelve Apostles, Varna: Metropolis of Varna and Veliki Preslav, 2020, p. 163. For a detailed account of the reception of this prayer in patristic literature up to the fifth century, see K. Froehlich, ‘The Lord’s Prayer in Patristic Literature’, in: Hammerling, Roy, A History of Prayer. The First to Fifteenth Century, Leiden, Boston: Brill, 2008, pp. 59–67.
- 32
Traditio apostolica, 41 (CPG 1737). Until recently, it was assumed that this 3rd-century Greek document, which has been lost and survives only in Coptic, was the work of St Hippolytus of Rome. Today, most scholars refrain from categorically attributing its authorship to him. What is important for us is that it has remained an important canonical and liturgical source for Egyptian Christians for centuries and constitutes a significant testimony to the life of the early Church.
- 33
Stromata, 7.7 (CPG 1377).
- 34
Stromata, 7.7.40.3.
- 35
Stromata, 7.7.40.3; 7.7.49.4. Cf. L. Tenechedjiev, The Theological Tradition of the First Three Centuries, Vol. 2: The Teaching of the Church in the Theological Tradition from the End of the 2nd to the Middle of the 3rd Century, Sofia: Dobrotoliubie, pp. 86–92. This certainly does not refer to the Gnostics of late antiquity, but Clement probably borrowed the term to illustrate a particular category of Christians.
- 36
Sv. Ribolov, ‘Theology and Literary Genres in Early Ascetic Literature’, Duhovna kultura, 6 (2003), pp. 17–23.
- 37
‘Now in Caesarea there was a man named Cornelius, a centurion of the cohort known as the Italica, a devout and God-fearing man, together with his whole household, who gave generously to the people and prayed to God continually. And about the ninth hour of the day, he saw clearly in a vision an angel of God coming in to him and saying, ‘Cornelius!’ And Cornelius, looking at him and filled with fear, said, ‘What is it, Lord?’ And the angel said to him, ‘Your prayers and acts of charity have ascended as a memorial before God. ‘Now, send men to Joppa and send for a man called Simon, who is also known as Peter. He is staying with a man called Simon, a tanner, whose house is by the sea. He will tell you what to do.’ And after the angel who had been speaking to him had departed, Cornelius called two of his household servants and a devout soldier from among those closest to him. And after he had told them everything, he sent them to Joppa. The next day, whilst they were on their way and approaching the city, Peter went up onto the roof to pray at the sixth hour.”
- 38
On Prayer, 12.2 (CPG 1477).
- 39
J.H. Walker, ‘Terce, Sext, and None, and Apostolic Custom?’ Studia Patristica 5 (1962), pp. 206–212; Dugmore, C.W. The Influence of the Synagogue upon the Divine Office, The Faith Press Ltd, London, 1964, pp. 67–68; P. Bradshaw, Daily Prayer in the Early Church, pp. 9–11; 47–50.
- 40
Libri x in the Song of Songs, 2:4 (CPG 1433).
- 41
Against Celsus, 6.41 (CPG 1476).
- 42a42b
On Prayer, 25.
- 43
Ibid.
- 44
20 June (CPL 29).
- 45
On the Lord’s Prayer, 34–35 (CPL 43).
- 46
John Meyendorff, Byzantine Theology: Historical Perspectives and Dogmatic Themes. Trans. B. Rușkova, Sofia: Gal-Iko, 1995, pp. 239–240.
- 47
On the Lord’s Prayer, 36.
- 48
Proto. Ivan Goșev, The Teaching of the Twelve Apostles, Yearbook of the Faculty of Theology at Sofia University ‘St Clement of Ohrid’, 1941, pp. 13–14; J. Quasten, Patrology, Vol. 1: The Beginnings of Patristic Literature, Utrecht-Antwerp: The Newman Press, 1983, pp. 29–30.
- 49
L. Ed. Phillips, Prayer in the First Four Centuries A.D., p. 45; Robert Taft, The Liturgy of the Hours in East and West, p. 65.
- 50
The Life of Pachomius the Greek, Book I, 15; 60; 88 (BHG 1396).
- 51
Apology, 65–67 (CPG 1073). Indeed, in this passage, within the space of a single page, St Justin provides perhaps the earliest description of the Sacrament of the Eucharist, the Divine Liturgy, stating that it begins with a prayer.