Was Saint Maxim Brancovici the first bishop of Râmnic?

“You appeared like a new flower, Maxime,
and have found a new home in heaven!”

This year marks the 512th anniversary of Saint Maxim Brancovici’s installation as Metropolitan of Wallachia; he has long been commemorated by the Serbian Orthodox Church for his exemplary life, pleasing to God and to mankind. Therefore, as a devout tribute to this chosen vessel of Christ, a source of peace and friendship for the Romanian people, we believe it is worthwhile to make his life and struggles known to today’s believers, lest, with the passing of time, he should become entirely unknown and consigned to oblivion.

His commemoration may also be seen as a recognition of the presence of the Holy Spirit in the life and works of the Orthodox Church, the saints bearing witness to the imperishable beauty of each nation’s glory before God. Canonised for the holiness of his life and his love for his flock, the worthy hierarch played a major spiritual role both for the people from whom he sprang, as well as for the entire Romanian nation, to which he devoted himself as a living lamp, serving it with holy zeal, steadfast in the Orthodox faith.

In light of this, it is natural to ask who Maxim Brancovici was and what his spiritual work entailed amongst the faithful of our country, for which he deserves our utmost esteem. Without claiming to exhaust the subject, owing to the scarcity of documentary sources, we shall endeavour to shed light on his personality and to evoke, as far as we are able, his devotion to the Romanian people.

A leading historical figure on the political and cultural-religious scene of Serbia and Wallachia in the early decades of the 16th century, Vladica Maxim Brancovici has attracted the attention of Romanian researchers and others, having been recognised as Bishop of Râmnic and Metropolitan of Ungrovlahia. From the literature devoted to him, it is known that he was of Serbian descent, from the family of Despot Ștefan Brancovici and his wife Anghelina, the daughter of the valiant Albanian prince Gheorghe Arianitul and sister-in-law of Prince Skanderbeg1, a prominent figure in Albania and, at the same time, a national hero of that country and of the Albanian people. His father, who ‘surpassed most men in wisdom, valour and rare beauty’, was granted the fortress of Belgrade in the province of Friuli by Emperor Frederick III, after being blinded by Sultan Murad II, following the intrigues of the Agarenes 2.

According to contemporary sources, the future hierarch of Wallachia was born in 1461 or 1462 in Italy, where the Brancovici family had taken refuge 3, and was christened Gheorghe, after his grandfather Gheorghe, the last Serbian despot. Leading a virtuous life, pleasing to God, ‘this blessed Maxim’ imbibed the spirit of Christian teaching and piety, studying the Holy Scriptures, so that ‘all marvelled at his beauty and wisdom’. His qualities enabled him to win the favour of the emperor, whose daughter ‘had fallen in love with him’, but he rejected her advances, telling her that she resembled ‘the one who beguiled Adam and Eve in paradise’4

As Serbia had fallen to the Ottomans as early as 1459, the young Gheorghe, together with his brother Ioan, wandered through Hungary, taking part in several battles that the king’s army fought against the Turks 5. From the ‘Service of Despot Ștefan Brancovici’, composed at Kupinovo by an anonymous author, we learn that his mother, Anghelina, was summoned by King Matthias Corvinus, together with her sons, Gheorghe and Ioan, to Buda, where she also brought the remains of her husband, who had been buried in 1476 in a church in Fiul, near Trieste, where he had purchased an estate. There, he received them with great affection and granted them dominion over the towns of Kupinovo – where she laid her father’s body to rest in the Church of St Luke – and Slankamen, whilst bestowing upon Gheorghe the title of despot in 14866. Among his obligations to the Hungarian crown was that of maintaining a detachment of one thousand infantrymen to fight against the Turks 7. From 1493, Maxim shared the title of despot with his brother Ioan, and a year later, they fought against the hierarch Lovre, who held estates in Srem and Slavonia. In the same year, the two despots conquered Mitrovica and entrusted the administration of the town to their own men 8.

Prised for his valour against the Agarians and his strength of character, Matthias Corvinus wished to marry him to a relative of his, Isabella, but he refused, as the princess did not wish to convert to Orthodoxy: ‘but the blessed one replied: “I will take her if she renounces Catholicism”, which she did not wish to do’9. Preferring the hermit’s life, far from the world and its troubles, against the will of his family and the boyars, “who were then overcome by much weeping and sorrow”10, he received, in the year 1495, ‘the angelic form of a life of solitude’ at Kupinici Monastery 11, taking the name Maxim 12. Steadfast in his faith, he heeded the words of Christ in the Gospel: “Turn away from that which is fleeting and embrace that which endures”9, whilst serving as a monk at the Church of Saint Luke the Apostle and Evangelist, where ‘the body of his father also rests, the man whom Murat, the Turkish emperor, had blinded’13 between the years 1497–1499 14.

After ceding control of the two towns in Srem and the title of despot to his brother John 15 in 1496, he was ordained a priest (hieromonk) by Calevit, Metropolitan of Sofia († 1505)16. No less significant is the view expressed by the authors of the 1958 Manual of the History of the Romanian Church, who state that Maxim was ordained a priest by the Bulgarian metropolitan immediately upon his arrival in Wallachia 17. The fact that he was ordained by the Metropolitan of Sofia rather than by one from Belgrade has led certain Serbian historians to believe that, ‘although sincerely Orthodox, he was not a religious mystic, the ordination having been performed for internal political reasons’18. From the records that have survived the passage of time, we learn that in 1496, together with his brother and his mother Anghelina, he made a donation to the Monastery of Saints Peter and Paul on Mount Athos, spending his time in profound humility, eager to learn about and immerse himself in the monastic life to which he felt increasingly drawn 19.

Increasingly concerned about the fate of his people, Saint Maximus also proved himself to be a skilled diplomat at foreign courts. Thus, at the end of 1502, he set off for Venice on behalf of Despot John. This was probably not the only mission of such significance, as he had previously carried out diplomatic tasks as well. “So, church affairs were by no means his only activity, or even his most important one. This dispels the mystical image that has been created of a religiously enthusiastic man who renounced despotism for the sake of religion,” says a Serbian researcher, 20.

A careful examination of his life shows that he was highly educated and possessed exceptional cultural qualities. Even whilst he was despot, he compiled two documents (books): one, signed by Despot John, was for the Hilandar Monastery (dated 1495/96) and contained a eulogy to Simeon Nemanja and Sava, the founders, whilst the second, unsigned, was for St Paul and spoke of the despot of Giurgiu, who ‘restores and relocates’ this monastery 8.

Following the death of his brother Ioan Brancovici on 10 December 1502, the monk Maxim, who lived in seclusion at Bersakovo Monastery, became the sole heir to the Serbian throne 21. Despite the insistence of King Vladislav of Hungary and the Serbian people, he refused the title of despot, renouncing worldly life and withdrawing into prayer. Due to Muslim invasions, he was forced to leave his homeland and travelled to Wallachia, settling at the court of Radu the Great. A version of his Life, written by an anonymous author in the 16th century, tells us of the saint’s settlement in our country: “And the blessed Maxim, taking the relics of his father and brother, as well as his mother, came to Radu, the voivode of Wallachia. As a lover of Christ, he received them with a joyful spirit and a glad heart, and gave them shelter as if they were in their own home’22 As stated in the Chronicle of the Slovenes of Illyria, the Upper Mysians and the Lower Mysians, ‘Maxim, that is to say, by his lay name George, being also metropolitan in those parts and unable to live in Srem without his brother, Ioan the Despot, because the king had granted Srem to his kinsmen to hold and rule over it, Metropolitan Maxim therefore set out with his mother, Anghelina, to the land of Muntenia, to the ruler of the realm, namely Radul the Good Voivode, where they took with them two coffins, containing the bodies of his father, Stephen, and his cousin, John the Despot”23.

Although Ioan Brancovici’s Service, written at Cruședol, mentions the end of 1505 or the beginning of 1506, “the certain date of the arrival of Maxim and his mother Anghelina at the court of Radu the Great”24, it nevertheless appears that he arrived in Ungrovlahia, together with his mother, around the year 1503, when Patriarch Nifon II of Constantinople was also in the country, having been brought by the prince to reorganise the Church 25. It cannot be ruled out that he was summoned here by Radu himself, just as he had done with Nifon and with the monk and printer Macarie, a Vlach from south of the Danube and future Metropolitan of Wallachia 26, who was hosted by the Craiovești boyars at Bistrița Monastery in Vâlcea 27. This event also caught the attention of Nicolae Iorga, who notes in his journal: ‘It may well be – despite his biographer’s assertions to the contrary – that Maximian came solely as an envoy of the King of Hungary to prevent a war between the two Romanian principalities. All the more so because, just a few weeks after that successful sermon at Râmnic, Radu-Vodă entered into a solemn agreement with the Saxons, an agreement which he may well have sworn before the peacemaker in the name of God and the Prince’28”.

What is certain is that Maxim quickly became a well-known figure, enjoying the trust of both the prince and the patriarch, who, recognising his innate qualities, elevated him to the rank of hierarch. Numerous scholars believe that in 1503, at the synod convened by Nifon on the occasion of the organisation of the Church of Ungrovlahia, the hieromonk was elected bishop of the newly established diocese of Râmnic, as another biography, included in the Genealogy of the Serbian Tsars, recounts that Radu the Great ‘later made the hieromonk Maxim a bishop’29

Even though Maxim’s name does not appear in internal documents nor in the memorial list of the Archdiocese of Râmnic—despite the fact that other hierarchs are listed there, who may have had no connection whatsoever with the ecclesiastical institution on the right bank of the Olt 30— it has been argued in our historiography, on the basis of the above accounts, that he served as bishop of Râmnic for a short time, until around 1504–1505, when he became Metropolitan of Wallachia 31.

This assertion is supported by The Life and Ministry of Archbishop Maxim Brancovici, written by an anonymous author from Cruședol, in which we read that: ‘At the instigation of the same Radu the Great, Maxim was soon enthroned as Metropolitan of Wallachia – having previously served for a short time as bishop, probably in the new diocese of Râmnic’32

However, Father Niculae Șerbănescu has certain reservations, stating the following in a study on the Metropolitans of Ungrovlahia: “Whether he was in Râmnic, as the authors of the Manual of the History of the Romanian Church believe, is difficult to say, due to a lack of sources. For the time being, we note that he is not listed in the memorial service register of this diocese, but only in that of the Metropolis of Ungrovlahia’33”. For his part, Father Mircea Păcurariu, in his 1975 publication Chronological Lists of Bishops, includes Maxim—albeit with some uncertainty—as Bishop of Râmnic between 1503 and 1505 34, whilst in The History of the Romanian Orthodox Church he notes: ‘We consider that the traditional view, according to which the first Bishop of Râmnic was Maxim Brancovici, must be regarded with great caution, as there is no documentary evidence to support it’35. Later, in a history of the Diocese of Râmnic, published in 2003, the renowned academician concludes “that in 1503 a decision in principle was taken regarding the creation of two dioceses, at Râmnic and at Buzău, which, in practice, would be established a few years later, and the two bishops whom Gavriil Protul mentioned as having been ordained by Nifon would have held the position of his vicar bishops, in today’s sense” 36.

According to the account of the historian Petre Ș. Năsturel, the first bishop of Râmnic was the hieromonk Macarie, the abbot of Bistrița and future metropolitan of Wallachia: “This leads us to suspect that Macarie had previously been Bishop of Râmnic, perhaps retaining control of the Diocese of Oltenia even after his election as metropolitan.” This hypothesis is also supported by Archimandrite Veniamin Micle of Bistrița, who states the following in a study dedicated to Macarie: “Given the close ties between the Craiovești boyars and the ecclesiastical institutions – the Diocese of Strehaia and Bistrița Monastery – as well as the power they wielded in the Oltenia region, holding the office of bania and other administrative and political posts, it can be concluded that the first bishop of Râmnic was the hieromonk Macarie, the abbot of Bistrița Monastery’37”.

Indeed, this is a difficult matter to ascertain due to the scarcity of documents. Although the text appears rather ambiguous, failing to specify for which see the newly elected bishop was ordained – Râmnic or Buzău –, it cannot be ruled out that Maxim was the first primate of the Diocese of Râmnic, which may have been a natural and legitimate successor to the Metropolis of Severin. In this way, the Church of Ungrovlahia was graced with two great figures of Balkan Christianity, whilst the court at Târgoviște took on a new character, becoming a place of refuge and gathering for what remained of the Balkan nobility 38.

Of course, given the political and religious realities of the time, he would have been consecrated as a bishop by Saint Niphon himself, either in Argeș or perhaps in Târgoviște, together with a hierarch from across the Danube. It is likely that, following his ordination, Bishop Maxim assisted the Ecumenical Patriarch in the work of reorganising the ancestral Church. It is regrettable, however, that we do not yet know the work of this servant of the Church in the regions of Oltenia, apart from what is stated by his biographer. We can only note that, in 1504, the hierarch arranged the marriage of Pârvu, son of Capla (Radu the Great’s sister), to the daughter of the Serbian despot Dimitrie Iacșici, one of the leading figures of the Serbs at that time 39.

After 1505, when Saint Nifon left the country following disagreements with Radu the Great, Bishop Maxim took over the administration of the Metropolitanate of Ungrovlahia, a fact recounted in his Life: ‘and not long afterwards he was made archbishop of Wallachia’. Indeed, in the old list of the Metropolitan See of Wallachia, Maxim is listed fourth, after Antim and Athanasius, from the 14th century, and after Bishop Theodor, mentioned as ‘ispravnic’ in the years 1523–1525. His appointment to the metropolitan see is also attested by other sources. Thus, in 1804, J. Ch. Engel states in Geschichte der Walachei (Halle) that Maxim was ordained Metropolitan of Wallachia at a synod following the death of the Metropolitan of Ungrovlahia. It is possible that this synod was held under the former Ecumenical Patriarch, following the death of Hilarion, a fact which leads certain historians to believe that Maxim was his successor after 1504 40. According to Nicolae Iorga, “he would have been the second canonical Metropolitan of Wallachia, after the one ordained by Nifon, whose name we do not yet know; we have further confirmation of his office through his inclusion amongst the Metropolitans in the memorial list from Târgoviște, which mentions Metropolitan Maxim’28”. And so, preceded by Patriarch Nifon—who had been brought to the country by Prince Radu the Great to reorganise ecclesiastical life—the monk Maxim briefly became Metropolitan of Wallachia, with the assistance of the Craiovești boyars41

As the head of the Romanians between the Danube and the Carpathians, appointed ‘against his will’, Maxim ensured that priests were ordained for villages and towns, to build churches and to maintain spiritual ties between the Church of Wallachia and the Ecumenical Patriarchate, whilst also looking after the Orthodox faithful in neighbouring regions. As a shepherd and spiritual father, he proved to be a providential figure for those times. During his tenure (1505–1508), his personal example of holiness was a source of unity for the Romanian, Serbian, Greek and Bulgarian Orthodox Christians in Wallachia 42.

During his tenure (1505–1508), his personal example of holiness was a source of unity for the Romanian, Serbian, Greek and Bulgarian Orthodox Christians in Wallachia.

A man of learning and a skilled diplomat, brave and astute, he played a decisive role in resolving a conflict that broke out in 1507 between the princes of ‘the two Dacias’, Radu the Great and Bogdan III of Moldavia, caused by the claims of a certain Roman, a pretender to the throne of Moldavia, supported by the prince of Wallachia, who had invaded across the Milcov with the Wallachian army, plundering the Putna region 43. In response, Bogdan set out with his army against Radu and ‘they arrived at the place called Rătezații, at Movila Căiatii, on the Râmnicu side, on 28 August. And they remained with their army on the Râmnic side for 10 days, plundering and burning from Milcov to Râmnic and downwards on both sides as far as Siretiu”. This account from Grigore Ureche’s Chronicle 44 also appears in other contemporary sources, such as the Chronicle of the Founding of Moldavia, the Moldavian-Polish Chronicle, Bishop Macarie’s Chronicle and Radu Popescu’s Histories of the Princes of Wallachia. Following the thread of the ancient Romanian chronicles, we learn that ‘Archbishop Maxim ran like a winged angel between the two camps and, through his divine wisdom, calmed the two princes’, “he persuaded them, reconciled them and brought them to love one another”, reminding them that “they are Christians and of one people”. His intervention was crowned with success, for Bogdan, ‘seeing such earnest entreaty’ on his part, ‘made peace in accordance with his wishes and sent his envoy with him (Maxim) to Radul Vodă; and there Radul Vodă and his boyars swore on the Holy Gospel to maintain unbroken peace for ever”. Thus, through the mediation of this servant of the Church, an ‘angel of reconciliation’, the bloodshed between brothers was halted, the two armies being brought to ‘love and peaceful trust’45 This argument put forward by the metropolitan demonstrates an awareness of the kinship between the Moldavians and the Muntenians, recognised even by foreigners—an idea to which other humanists had also borne witness prior to this period 46.

However, invoking the argument of ethnic unity in diplomacy for the first time, Radu the Great swore “that there should be unshakeable peace”, returning “all the plunder and destruction that had been wrought in the land of Moldavia”17. ‘And the two princes showed love towards the saint, who, unwittingly, had been elevated and ordained to the archiepiscopal see of Wallachia’47). That he was appointed bishop following the end of the conflict between Radu the Great and Bogdan III is also recounted by B. P. Hasdeu in the Historical Archive of Romania from 1865: “Then Maxim, against his will, was elevated and consecrated to the metropolitan see of Wallachia”48.

Another perspective was put forward by the historian Liviu Pilat, who, drawing on an extract from Macarie’s Chronicle, hypothesised that Maxim Brancovici was never Metropolitan of Ungrovlahia, but rather Metropolitan of Belgrade, consecrated by the “Moldavian bishops”. Regarding Maxim’s intervention as a mediator of peace between the two princes, he concluded that the hierarch acted as an emissary of King Matthias Corvinus, who was keen to see them reconciled with a view to joint action against the Turks, against the backdrop of the crusade plans of that time, which centred on the Kingdom of Hungary 49.

Speaking of this moment in Maxim’s life, Macarius’ Chronicle relates that both rulers “wished, through this bloodshed, to bring great joy to the devil, had not the bountiful God forestalled them through His customary love for mankind, for He sent them a mediator, ever the son of light, namely Maxim the Despot”, who “spoke to them of peace, and his hope did not fail, and he sent them both back, reconciled, to their own lands”50. Macarie is very precise in his account: in the conflict of 1507, Maxim did not act in his capacity as Metropolitan of Wallachia, for he is referred to as ‘Maxim the Despot’ and makes it clear that he was enthroned as metropolitan, not of Wallachia, but of Belgrade, by the high-ranking hierarchs of Moldavia51.

In reconstructing the dignified figure of this great 16th-century personality, Niculae Șerbănescu notes: “Macarie makes the following statement, which, as it later transpired, does not correspond to the truth: ‘not long afterwards (Maxim) was worthily elevated to the metropolitan see by the Moldavian bishops and until his death served as an ornament to the see at Cetatea Albă’, for, as is well known, he was Metropolitan of Wallachia, not of Cetatea Albă. This fact is, however, also briefly mentioned by the chronicler Radu Popescu’52’.

For his part, Nicolae Iorga, drawing on the Moldavian chronicle, in which Maxim is referred to in 1507 as the ‘son of the despot’ and a ‘monk’, writes the following in The History of the Romanian Church: ‘The Metropolitan See’s register records his name, which is true; however, the almost contemporary chronicle of Bishop Macarie of Roman shows that Maxim the Despot was consecrated ‘thereafter’ by ‘the Moldavian bishops’ as ‘Metropolitan of Belgrade’53.

Returning to his work as metropolitan, we note that Saint Maxim successfully carried out, on behalf of Radu the Great, several diplomatic missions beyond the country’s borders. Recognised for his skills as a good mediator, on 3 December 1507, Maxim, the prince’s trusted confidant, was sent on a diplomatic mission to the Saxons of Transylvania, with a view to securing refuge for the prince and his family in the event of danger or should he be deposed 54. At the same time, in 1508, it appears that he was sent by the voivode on a mission to Buda, to King Vladislav II of Hungary, to establish good relations between their countries and to renew the treaty of alliance against the Turks 55. According to N. Dobrescu, ‘And as Maxim was familiar with the customs and state of affairs at the court of the King of Hungary, he was taken along by Radu the Great and rendered good service to the Romanian ruler’56 On this occasion, the king bestowed upon the Wallachian voivode, his brother Vlad, and his descendants the district of Geoagiu de Jos (Hunedoara County), which, apart from the market town of the same name, also comprised 19 surrounding villages 57. Referring to this event, the chronicler Iștvanfi writes only that: ‘In those days, stirred by the news of the war with the Venetians which had spread, Radul, Prince of Wallachia, who also ruled the Land of Muntenia, it is said that he came to Buda to Vladislav—partly to show himself to be a Hungarian vassal, in accordance with the old custom, and partly for other matters—bringing warhorses […] After that […] they acquired from the king, by way of a donation or gift, Gioagiul-de-Gios, the rather large and renowned market town in Transylvania, with many appurtenances and revenues, so that it might pass to his heirs…”58

From this brief account, we can see not only his diplomatic zeal, but above all the adverse circumstances in which he carried out his work in Târgoviște. Perhaps this fruitful collaboration with Radu the Great led to a close friendship between the two men, to the benefit not only of the country but also of the rapidly developing Metropolis of Ungrovlahia. Perhaps it was on Maxim’s initiative that59—‘the son of Dispotu, the Greek emperor’—had the printing press installed at Dealu Monastery, Radu’s magnificent foundation, near the princely capital of Târgoviște 60.

Metropolitan Maxim did not get on well with the new prince, Mihnea the Wicked (1508–1510), accusing him of wishing to convert the Romanians to Catholicism. Although he appears as a witness at the Prince’s Council on 10 September 1508, when the prince granted the Bistrița Monastery certain villages and Gypsies 61, given the close ties he had enjoyed with Radu the Great, with the Hungarians and the Saxons of Transylvania, he sought an opportunity to leave the country, and to this end he even ‘plotted, through boyars close to the prince, to be sent as an ambassador to conclude peace with the King of Hungary’. In The Life and Ministry of Maxim Brancovici, the biographer tells us that ‘The Saint, however, discerning his wicked pretence—that he wished to hand him over to the Emperor of the Agarians—urged some of the boyars to tell the prince to send him to the King of Hungary to make peace’.

His wish was granted in the autumn of 1508, when Mihnea sent him as an envoy to King Vladislav II to announce his accession to the throne of Wallachia. There he successfully carried out the peace mission entrusted to him, sending Mihnea the royal diploma of recognition: “And the saint, having secretly gathered all his men, hastily crossed the River Olt and thus arrived fearlessly before the king, arranging all that was necessary for peace. And, having sent the king’s letter to Mihnea, he did not return to his see’62 Beyond these words from his Life, here is how the Genealogy of the Serbian Tsars describes the events: “And Archbishop Maxim came to the King of Hungary and pleaded with him, and persuaded him with kindness to make peace between himself and Voivode Mihail, and he established a lasting peace between them. And from there Archbishop Maxim set out for his homeland, to see it, and came to Srem, to his seat of power; and his kinsmen received him with great affection andbegged him to come to their land, ‘for we have been left orphaned, without our leader and shepherd, and have fallen under foreign rule’. And they shed many tears before him and pleaded with him, weeping bitterly, to persuade him to bring from the Land Beyond the Alps the relics of their forefathers and of his brother John, who had been their last despot’63 According to the accounts left by J. Ch. Engel: ‘The Serbian historian Brancovici mentions that Mihnea the Terrible could not yet tolerate Metropolitan Maxim, and solely in order to drive him away from himself, they accused him of being of the lineage of the Serbian despots, lest the Turks take his remaining in Wallachia amiss. Wishing, therefore, for Maxim to depart, they gave him the following pretext: Mihnea consulted with his boyars, so that, following the example of Radu, his predecessor, a close alliance might be forged with the Hungarians; and to this end, from Argiș, his seat of government, they sent Maxim with letters to the Hungarians. Maxim received the mission, fulfilled the tasks entrusted to him, and obtained a written reply from the Hungarians, which they sent by post to Wallachia, whilst he remained in Sirmium64

Thus, having successfully completed his mission to the King of Hungary in the autumn of 1508, announcing Voivode Mihnea’s accession to the throne of the country, Bishop Maxim secretly took all his possessions, as well as the remains of his relatives, and retired to one of the Iacșici family’s estates, from which he received “a fine and scenic spot, called Krusedol”, north of Belgrade. Under his mother’s influence, he built there ‘a most beautiful monastery dedicated to the Annunciation of the Most Holy Mother of God’, where he gathered a few disciples, whom he instructed in spiritual matters, telling them, amongst other things: ‘Strive, brothers who love Christ, and take care of your salvation. Behold, time is short and death draws near’65

From the Chronicle of Banat, written by Nicolae Stoica of Hațeg and published in Timișoara in 1981, we learn that: “Bishop Macsim, having raised funds from Wallachia and Moldavia – and from Bogdan Voivode of Moldavia having received a magnificent ceremonial staff, bound in gold, which has been preserved for hundreds of years – he brought the money and the remains of his mother, Maicha Anghelina, from Wallachia to Srem, built the Cruședol Monastery and placed the relics there’66 Although the date of the monastery’s foundation is given as 1514, when the hieromonk Pancratie copied a manuscript of the Tetraevangelion here at the urging of his abbot Maxim, the Life of the hierarch states that the monastery was built with the assistance of Neagoe Basarab, Prince of Wallachia. Unfortunately, Gavriil Protul, whilst mentioning all of Neagoe’s beneficences, makes no mention of Cruședol, passing over it rather vaguely: ‘What more shall I say, in particular, of the things and monasteries which (Neagoe) has bestowed?’ Let us say together: all those in Europe, in Thrace, in Hellas, in Achaea, in Illyria, in Campania, in Elis, in Mysia, in Macedonia, in Tetulia, in Sermia, in Lugudunia, in Paphlagonia, in Dalmatia, and in all regions from east to west and from south to north—he supported all the holy churches and showed great mercy everywhere…’67 It should be noted, however, that the State Archives in Drobeta-Turnu Severin hold the monastery’s memorial register, begun in the 16th century and continued into the 17th century, in which Radu the Great, Neagoe Basarab and his family, Voivode Ștefăniță, along with other Romanian boyars and prelates 68.

He lived in Cruședol for four years during the reign of Saint Neagoe Basarab, who sought to swiftly restore order to the affairs of his country’s Church, which was ‘deprived of its highest leader’. Urged to return to the metropolitan see through numerous “messengers and entreaties”, Bishop Maxim, persuaded “after so much entreaty”, returned to Wallachia, where he was “held in very high esteem by the voivode and the boyars”69. These events are recounted in his Life as follows: “Neagoe Voivode, with many entreaties and prayers, called upon Maxim to come to his Archdiocese, known as that of Wallachia. After so many entreaties, Maxim came. He was very well received, and when he asked the Prince to allow him to return, the Prince granted his request, bestowing upon him many gifts and riches’70. According to historians, he agreed to return to our country after 25 June 1512, because his name does not appear in the epilogue of the Gospel published at that time—an unusual occurrence, as the memory of a country’s church hierarch is almost invariably recorded in liturgical books published during his tenure, as the printer Macarie had done; when printing an Octoechos in 1594 at Cetinje, he mentions in the epilogue Metropolitan Vavila of Zeta, who was serving at the time 71.

A man of letters, the metropolitan soon became one of the prince’s tutors; he was married to Milița Despina, his niece, the daughter of the Serbian despot Ioan Brancovici 72. Contemporary sources note that ‘Maxim, the Archbishop of Srem, having left the monastery of Crușădolu, returned to Wallachia. There, Prince Neagu saw a certain girl, Anepsia or Milița, the bishop’s niece, with whom Prince Neagoe, in Bistrița—where the princely seat was located—was wedded in a lawful marriage, she being of the lineage of Prince Lazăr’73”. “In one of his biographies,” states Niculae Șerbănescu, “it is said that he married Neagoe to Milița Despina whilst the latter was prince, a fact which has also been included in the recently published Manual of the History of the Romanian Church. I do not believe this to be true. Neagoe had six children with Milița, and it is hard to believe that she could have given birth to them all in the space of seven or eight years. I believe their marriage took place earlier, perhaps at the time when Neagoe was a pretender in Transylvania, and was certainly arranged, as before, by Metropolitan Maxim74”. Through this marriage, Neagoe established a direct link with the Balkan political tradition, being, after Stephen the Great (husband of Evdokia of Kiev and Maria of Mangop), the second Romanian ruler to take a wife who symbolised an entire political past and an ancient tradition. The third was to be Petru Rareș, the future husband of the other Serbian princess at the Wallachian court, Elena Brancovici 75.

As a metropolitan, the Holy Hierarch also demonstrated exceptional cultural aptitude; a fifteenth-century manuscript by him is preserved in the Patriarchate Museum in Belgrade, containing homilies by Saint John Chrysostom in Serbian Slavonic, which the pious prince purchased and donated to the Curtea de Argeș Monastery, as indicated by an inscription dating from 1519. This document, left by Ștefan Brancovici in the care of Anghelina and her son, bears pious witness to the deep bond between Maxim and Neagoe. In the same year, Despina Milița, the prince’s wife, donated to Cruședol Monastery a chasuble ‘of delicate stitching, and another, painstakingly crafted in the period up to December of that same year, to Decani Monastery’76

The Metropolitan’s spiritual endeavours are also linked to the publication of the first printed book in the Romanian Principalities, the Liturgy Book, which, through the labours of the ‘humble hieromonk Macarie’, saw the light of day, probably in Târgoviște, in 1508 77. It cannot be ruled out that Maxim himself recommended the printer Macarie, the head of the printing press in Cetinje, to Prince Radu the Great. It is known that the hierarch was a cousin (or nephew through his sister) of Gheorghe Cernoievici, Prince of Montenegro, who had supported the printing activities in Cetinje 78. Their arrival in our lands was a positive development for Romanian culture, as they championed the printing of ecclesiastical books 79.

Having completed important tasks, which led to the strengthening of Wallachia’s position in the Carpathian-Pannonian region, he returned to Cruședol, laden ‘with many gifts and riches’, gathered from the Romanian Principalities for the completion of the monastery. It is no coincidence that the chronicles of the time state that ‘Prince Neagu, having established monasteries throughout the land, gave Lord Maxim ample funds, both in silver and copper, so that the monastery at Crușădol in Srem, which they had begun, might be completed and roofed. He did so and died’80. Supported by the Romanian prince and the Russian prince Vasilii III Ivanovich, both of whom were married to princesses from his family, he erected this foundation, which became the seat of the Belgrade Metropolis 81.

Upon arriving in Serbia, according to the Bulgarian historian Ivan Snegarov, he was appointed Metropolitan of Belgrade in 1513, where he served until the end of his life 82. Although the anonymous author from Cruședol, who wrote his Life and Liturgy, notes that he became ‘Metropolitan of Belgrade and Srem’ 83, ‘it is not known how well-founded this statement is […] More plausible, says Niculae Șerbănescu, is the assertion that during the nearly four years he lived after retiring from the leadership of the Church of Wallachia, he resided at Cruședol Monastery, ensuring its well-being” until 18 January 1516, when he passed away and was buried there 84.

Equally interesting are the accounts in the Genealogy of the Serbian Tsars, which provides some brief details about this illustrious hierarch: “Thereafter, Metropolitan Maxim asked the voivode to allow him to return to Srem, his homeland; and his son-in-law, Voivode Neagoe, set him free, providing him with great wealth and many gifts. And he brought with him to Srem the relics of his parents, Stephen the Blind, Despot, and Angelina, Despotess, and of his brother John, Despot, and placed them in the Monastery of Krušedol, which he had built; and he endowed it with villages and abundant revenues, and adorned it most splendidly. And in this monastery he lived for a little while longer, not long, in fasting, vigil and prayer, and thus he passed away in the Lord85”.

Equally useful to our endeavour are the accounts of other ancient sources which mention his passing into eternity as follows: “And all those who were present at the departure of his soul recount that at that moment he saw two angels bearing the likenesses of the Patriarchs of Alexandria, Athanasius and Cyril, with beautiful, radiant faces shining with an indescribable light, and he said: ‘From whence have these adorned men come unto us, whose beauty I cannot describe?’ After many signs and visions in his dreams, in the seventh year, upon opening his reliquary, oh, what a miracle, they discovered his body whole and untouched, together with his garments, spreading a fragrance over everyone and astonishing them, performing miracles and healing the sick who came to him in faith.”

Thus, after Maxim’s death, his body remained incorrupt, as a sign of holiness bestowed by God, spreading a fragrant aroma amongst all and healing the sick who came ‘with faith to his feast day at the monastery he had built’86 In the Genealogy, the author states that ‘shortly after the death of Archbishop Maxim, they opened the reliquary and discovered his body to be whole, fragrant and holy. Taking it, they placed it in a precious reliquary, together with his father. And his mother, Anghelina, was laid to rest in another reliquary, together with her son John the Younger. And they placed them in the holy monastery on the left-hand side. It is evident from historical writings that the whole and fragrant bodies rested for 166 years in the holy monastery of Krušedol”.

Well-informed, the anonymous chronicler goes on to state that the relics were desecrated and burnt in 1716 by the Turks, who cut them into pieces in front of Krušedol Monastery and set fire to the church. During those tragic moments, “some of the Turks hid parts of the holy relics with them and took them away. And there was a good old monk there, hiding for fear of the Turks. When the Turks left the monastery, the old man hurriedly gathered up the remaining parts of the saints’ relics and carried them into the church, under the monastery’s roof. Then the old man fled at once. A short while later, the Turks returned and plundered the entire monastery, and set the church on fire. The monastery burnt completely, so much so that traces can still be seen on the walls to this day. There, inside the church, the holy relics—whatever remained of them after the Turks’ raid and had been hidden beneath the church roof—were burnt and reduced to ashes. As for the Agarean who set fire to the church with his own hand, he immediately went mad and, falling to the ground, surrendered his soul to the devil for eternal torment. The saints, however, received the crown of martyrdom from God. And those Agarians fell by the sword at Varadin. Soon they received their recompense from God, and many Agarean bodies were left lying on the ground; whilst others fled, pursued by no one, and further down from Zemun they were nearly drowned with fear in the Sava, near Belgrade. And here they killed their vizier87 among them.

In recognition of the piety and purity of his life, the Serbian Orthodox Church canonised him, and he is commemorated on the day of his death, 18 January. His veneration was established seven years later, in 1523, on the occasion of the reburial of 32’s remains. At that time or shortly afterwards, his Life and Service were composed, probably by one and the same anonymous author from Cruședol, although it is possible that the authors of the two texts were different 88. In the Prayer Rule printed at Râmnic in 1761, in Church Slavonic, for saints of Serbian origin, the Life of Archbishop Maxim is also included, as is his image between Saints Athanasius the Great and Cyril, the patriarchs of Alexandria, who appeared to him in the form of angels at the moment of his death.

Here, then, are a few accounts of the life and struggles of this hieromonk, called to the high office of the episcopate in our land, where he experienced the fragrance of holiness, commensurate with his devotion and love for those he shepherded.

Consequently, by examining the writings we have at our disposal concerning Saint Maxim Brancovici, we can see that he played a pivotal role in the faith and unity of the Romanian people. As Bishop of Râmnic and later Metropolitan of Wallachia, he took steps to reorganise the Church, supporting in all his actions the devout rulers, such as Radu the Great and Neagoe Basarab, patrons of ecclesiastical culture and art in the sixteenth century. His significant role in the history of the nation was recognised by Nicolae Iorga, who, in dedicating a few lines to him, stated: “Maximian’s presence in the country represents yet another element of that Serbian influence on the ecclesiastical affairs of the Romanians, which began under Radu, developed fully under Neagoe and soon spread to Moldavia”53

He was undoubtedly one of those men of distinction who strengthened monasticism in Wallachia, building churches and ordaining priests, caring for the Romanians, serving and defending Orthodoxy, as a true confessor and practitioner of the true faith. Although he served for only a short time alongside Saint Neagoe Basarab, he made a substantial contribution to laying the foundations of the most magnificent place of worship in Wallachia, the Curtea de Argeș Monastery, which was consecrated a year after his passing.

Turning the pages of history preserved over the centuries in manuscripts, we see that the Orthodox Church had an unwavering supporter in the person of the Serbian hierarch, who, mindful of his lofty mission as the successor to the work of the Brancovici despots, rebuilt and enhanced the beauty of ancient monastic centres intended to strengthen the faith and preserve the unity of the Serbs. On this basis, some historians assert that between 1512 and 1516, the church at Sretensk was built near Cruședol Monastery in the village of Cruședol, where his mother, Anghelina, spent the final years of her life until 30 July 1520. Maxim is also credited with the construction of the monasteries of Grgetek, Privina Glava, Novo Hopovo, Staro Hopovo, Jazak, Đipš, Sretenjska 89 and St Luke in Kupinovo 90.

A man of his time and of his era, a model of sacrifice and devotion to the Church and the Romanian people, Bishop Maxim established himself in the national consciousness as a skilful spiritual father, endowed with a keen political sense and a sound understanding of European realities, having been delegated to important diplomatic missions beyond the country’s borders. A clear testament to his attachment to those he shepherded is the remarkable moment of reconciliation between the two Romanian princes, Bogdan III of Moldavia and Radu the Great, ‘based on the realisation that they belonged to the same race, the same people. This event foreshadows – as G. Mihăilă states – the new stages that the Romanian Principalities would go through in the following decades, leading up to the union of European significance under Mihai Viteazul, to shine like a beacon upon the Romanian conscience until the Great Union of 1918’91

A man of his time and of the times, a model of sacrifice and devotion to the Church and the Romanian people, Bishop Maxim established himself in the national consciousness as a skilful spiritual father, endowed with a remarkable political acumen and a sound understanding of European realities, having been delegated to undertake important diplomatic missions beyond the country’s borders.

Thus, through his direct cultural, religious, diplomatic and matrimonial ties with Wallachia, the Serbian hierarch remains for us a true exemplar of spiritual life, a great defender of the Orthodox faith and a refined statesman, who placed all his knowledge at the service of our people, who received him with such love.

The deep esteem and respect in which he is held is quite clearly evident from an evocative portrait painted by Nicolae Dobrescu at the beginning of the 20th century: “For the Church in Wallachia, a hierarch such as Maxim—distinguished both by his origins and by his life and work—had a beneficial influence: by raising the moral and religious standard in general, he breathed new life into church and monastic life here’92”.

For all these reasons, we consider that Saint Maxim Brancovici, commemorated in the Serbian Orthodox Church on 18 January, has earned the right to be numbered amongst the saints and included in the synaxarion of our Church, being accordedhim the honour due and a place of honour, not only from his contemporaries but also from his successors. As the spiritual father of Râmnic and of the whole of Wallachia, he is in no way inferior to the great hierarchs of other nationalities canonised by the Holy Synod in recent years: Iachint of Vicina, Nifon II, Iosif of Partoș or Andrei Șaguna.

It is a source of pride for us to honour him, to venerate him and to seek the help of this pious father, ‘a great man of culture of his time’93 a man of lofty spirit, inspired by love for the Romanian people and the Church south of the Carpathians. Therefore, let us say to him:

Let us honour with praise the thrice-blessed father
,
who, desiring the things of heaven, left behind the things of earth
and ran along the paths [of the righteous],
like a stag longing for a spring of water;
thus, with zeal, [you] followed
in the footsteps of your forefathers.

For, directing your whole mind towards the heights and despising earthly things,

with humility, most blessed Maximus,
you received the things above.
Although you were banished,
most pious Maximus,
from the home of your homeland,
the most glorious
Prince Radul welcomes you with love, as a father,
rejoicing with all his heart,
and is adorned with glory,
for God has given him a father, a teacher
and a saviour of the soul.

The one who hates what is good troubles
God’s people,
the two princes,
Radul and Bogdan;
and, with battle imminent,
you, most reverend Maximus,
appearing like a winged angel,
brought peace to the two armies,
and the two each returned to their own,
glorifying God and His servant
.’For ‘the Spirit blows where it wills’,
as Christ said in the Gospel,
and the Apostle: ‘Where there is love,
there a multitude of sins are overcome’—
with the Spirit, Father, you have
proclaimed your divine words.

Most highly praised Maximus,
who, could fittingly extol
your gentle gaze
and your words, sweet as honey,
[for] your tongue was a scribe’s pen,
guided by the Holy Spirit,
which brought
many to the faith and even more to repentance.
Prince Radul, full of piety,
joyfully praising the Lord,
received him as a scion of the orthodox faith,
and even more so, as a vessel of God
and a flower of purity,
and thus he proclaimed:
‘Blessed are You,
God of our fathers.’ 94

• 1

  Rev. Prof. Gheorghe Moisescu, Rev. Ștefan Lupșa, Rev. Alexandru Filipașcu, History of the Romanian Church. A Textbook for Theological Institutes, vol. I, Bucharest, 1957, p. 307; G. Mihăilă, Between East and West: Studies in Romanian Culture and Literature in the 15th–18th Centuries, Bucharest, 1999, p. 182.

• 2

  B. P. Hasdeu, ‘The Life of Maximu, Metropolitan of Muntenia’, in: Historical Archives of Romania, vol. II, 1865, pp. 65–66.

• 3

  Nebojša Petrovic, ‘Sveti Maksim Branković’, in: Viteska Kultura, vol. III (2014), Chivalrous Culture, p. 2.

• 4

  B. P. Hasdeu, The Life of Maxim…, p. 67; G. Mihăilă, Between East and West…, p. 206.

• 5

  Rev. Prof. Mircea Păcurariu, History of the Romanian Orthodox Church, vol. III, Iași, 2004, pp. 389; Rev. Prof. Niculae Șerbănescu, The Romanian Orthodox Church: From the Earliest Christian Settlements on Romanian Soil to the Patriarchate, Bucharest, 2015, p. 223; Vasile Mărculeț et al., The Romanian Middle Ages: A Biographical Dictionary, Bucharest, 2010, p. 57.

• 6

  Arsenije Bugarski, ‘Sveti Maksim (Brankoviã) u Vlaškoj po rumunskim izvorima – Saint Maxim (Brankovici) in Wallachia, according to Romanian sources’, in: TEMIŠVARSKI ZBORNIK (Collection of Studies – Timișoara), 3, Novi Sad, 2001, p. 7; G. Mihăilă, Between East and West…, p. 182.

• 7

  Camelia Călin, ‘Famous Figures from Serbian History in Moldavian Chronicles (16th–17th centuries)’, in: Museum. Studies and Papers, XII, Golești Museum – Argeș, 2013, pp. 177.

• 8a8b

  Djorde Brankovic (despot), https://translate.google.ro/translate?hl=ro&sl;=sr&u;=https://sh.wikipedia.org/wiki/%25C4%2590or%25C4%2591e_Brankovi%25C4%2587_(despot)&prev;=search, accessed on 16 July 2017.

• 9a9b

  B. P. Hasdeu, The Life of Maximu…, p. 67.

• 10

  G. Mihăilă, Between East and West…, p. 207.

• 11

  Gheorghe BRANCOVICI, Cronica românească, Bucharest, 1987, p. 67; Nebojša PETROVIC, Sveti Maksim…, p. 14.

• 12

  Gheorghe MOISESCU et al., History…, p. 307; Gheorghe BRANCOVICI, Romanian Chronicle…, p. 67.

• 13

  Gheorghe BRANCOVICI, Romanian Chronicle…, p. 67.

• 14

  Nebojša PETROVIC, Sveti Maksim…, p. 8.

• 15

  G. MIHĂILĂ, Between East and West…, pp. 182–183.

• 16

  Arsenije BUGARSKI, Sveti Maksim…, p. 7; Niculae ȘERBĂNESCU, The Romanian Orthodox Church…, p. 224.

• 17a17b

  Gheorghe MOISESCU et al., History…, p. 308.

• 18

  Nebojša PETROVIC, Sveti Maksim…, pp. 8–9.

• 19

  Gh. MOISESCU et al., History…, p. 307; N. IORGA, A History of the Romanian Church and the Religious Life of the Romanians, vol. I, Bucharest, 2012, p. 146; Niculae ȘERBĂNESCU, The Romanian Orthodox Church…, p. 223.

• 20

  (St) Maximus and (his mother) Angelina, https://translate.google.ro/translate?hl=ro&sl;=sr&u;=http://www.znanje.org/i/i23/03iv05/03iv05080916/19_sveti_maksim_i_majka_angelina.htm&prev;=search, accessed on 17 July 2017.

• 21

  N. DOBRESCU, ‘Representatives of two movements within the Church of Wallachia at the beginning of the 16th century’, in: Convorbiri literare, XLIV (1910), no. 2, p. 356; Gheorghe MOISESCU et al., Istoria…, p. 307.

• 22

  B. P. HASDEU, The Life of Maximu…, p. 67; G. MIHĂILĂ, Between East and West…, p. 207; Niculae ȘERBĂNESCU, The Romanian Orthodox Church…, p. 225.

• 23

  Gheorghe BRANCOVICI, Romanian Chronicle…, p. 69.

• 24

  G. MIHĂILĂ, Between East and West…, pp. 182–3, 186.

• 25

  N. DOBRESCU, Representatives…, p. 356; Arsenije BUGARSKI, Saint Maximus…, p. 8.

• 26

  Mircea PĂCURARIU, The History of the Romanian Orthodox Church…, p. 389.

• 27

  Dr Gheorghe MĂMULARU – CĂLIMĂNEȘTI, Famous nuns of the Ostrov hermitage in the Călimănești-Căciulata resort, http://cozia-info.ro/publicistica/255-calugarite-celebre-ale-schitului-ostrov-din-statiunea-calimanesti-caciulata, accessed on 17 December 2017; Alexandru BRICIU, ‘Saint Voivode Neagoe Basarab, Prince of Peace’, in: Ziarul Lumina, 26 September 2009, http://ziarullumina.ro/sfantul-voievod-neagoe-basarab-print-al-pacii-39161.html, accessed on 15 June 2017.

• 28a28b

  N. IORGA, History…, p. 146.

• 29

  Ioan BOGDAN, Old Moldavian Chronicles up to Ureche, Bucharest, 1891, p. 269; Ilie BĂRBULESCU, Relations between the Romanians and the Serbs, Bulgarians, Greeks and Croats in connection with the Macedonian-Romanian question, Iași, 1912, p. 222; Early Romanian Literature (1402–1647), edited by G. MIHĂILĂ and Dan ZAMFIRESCU, vol. I, Bucharest, 1969, p. 104, note 66 (The two dioceses founded by Nifon are those of Râmnic – Noul Severin and Buzău, which still exist today.); Niculae ȘERBĂNESCU, The Romanian Orthodox Church…, p. 224.

• 30

  Niculae ȘERBĂNESCU, The Romanian Orthodox Church…, p. 224.

• 31

  Gheorghe MOISESCU et al., History…, pp. 308, 322.

• 32a32b

  G. MIHĂILĂ, Between East and West…, p. 183.

• 33

  Niculae ȘERBĂNESCU, The Romanian Orthodox Church…, p. 224, note 128.

• 34

  Rev. Prof. Mircea PĂCURARIU, ‘Chronological Lists of the Hierarchs of the Romanian Orthodox Church’, in: The Romanian Orthodox Church, vol. XCIII (1975), nos. 3–4, pp. 325, 327.

• 35

  Mircea PĂCURARIU, A History of the Romanian Orthodox Church…, p. 412.

• 36

  Mircea PĂCURARIU, The Diocese of Râmnic. 500 Years of Existence 1503–2003, Drobeta Turnu Severin, 2003, p. 12.

• 37

  Archimandrite Dr Veniamin MICLE, ‘The First Bishop of Râmnic – Testing a Hypothesis’, in: The Diocese of Râmnic. 500 Years Since Its Founding (1503–2003), Râmnicu Vâlcea, 2008, p. 284.

• 38

  THE PATRIARCHATE OF THE ROMANIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH, Romanian Saints and Defenders of the Ancestral Law, Bucharest, 1987, http://www.sfintiromani.ro/ro/pagina/253/septembrie_neagoe_basarab_viata.html, accessed on 24 June 2017.

• 39

  N. DOBRESCU, The Representatives…, p. 356.

• 40

  Ioan BOGDAN, Vechile cronice…, p. 269; Gheorghe MOISESCU et al., Istoria…, pp. 307–308; Niculae ȘERBĂNESCU, Biserica Ortodoxă Română…, p. 224.

• 41

  ROMANIAN ACADEMY, The History of the Romanians: From Christian Universality to the Europe of ‘Homelands’, vol. IV, Bucharest, 2001, p. 411.

• 42

  Saint Angelina of Serbia: queen, mother, nun, 30 July, http://www.saintsmaryandmarthaorthodoxmonastery.org/newsletter_april2012.html, accessed on 15 August 2017.

• 43

  Gheorghe MOISESCU et al., History…, p. 308; Grigore URECHE, The Chronicle of the Land of Moldavia, Chișinău, 1997, p. 82; G. MIHĂILĂ, Between East and West…, p. 231.

• 44

  Grigore URECHE, The Chronicle…, p. 83; G. MIHĂILĂ, Between East and West…, p. 231.

• 45

  Iulian MARINESCU, Bogdan III the Blind, 1504–1507, Bucharest, 1910, pp. 31–33; The Slavonic-Romanian Chronicles of the 15th–16th Centuries, published by Ion Bogdan, revised edition by P.P. PANAITESCU, Bucharest, 1959, pp. 22–23, 182 (Grigore Ureche refers to Maxim as Maximian and notes that at that time he was a monk.); Romanian Literature…, p. 39; Nicolae IORGA, History of the Romanian Army, Bucharest, 1970, p. 113; Constantin GIURESCU, The History of the Romanians from Mircea the Elder and Alexander the Good to Michael the Brave, Vol. II, Bucharest, 2000, pp. 93–94, 99; G. MIHĂILĂ, Between East and West…, pp. 207, 220; Niculae ȘERBĂNESCU, The Romanian Orthodox Church…, p. 225.

• 46

  ROMANIAN ACADEMY, The History of the Romanians…, p. 412.

• 47

  G. MIHĂILĂ, Between East and West…, p. 207.

• 48

  B. P. HASDEU, The Life of Maximu…, p. 68.

• 49

  Liviu PILAT, ‘Metropolitan Maxim Brancovici, Bogdan III and Moldova’s ties with the Serbian Church’, in: Analele Putnei, VI, 2010, 1, pp. 229–238.

• 50

  The Slavic-Romanian Chronicles…, p. 91.

• 51

  Camelia CĂLIN, Personalities…, p. 178.

• 52

  G. MIHĂILĂ, Between East and West…, p. 230; Niculae ȘERBĂNESCU, The Romanian Orthodox Church…, p. 225, note 133.

• 53a53b

  N. IORGA, History…, p. 147.

• 54

  N. DOBRESCU, The Representatives…, p. 357; Gheorghe MOISESCU et al., History…, p. 308.

• 55

  The Slavic-Romanian Chronicles…, p. 155; Gheorghe ȘINCAI, Works II. The Chronicle of the Romanians, vol. II, Bucharest, 1969, p. 155.

• 56

  N. DOBRESCU, The Representatives…, p. 357.

• 57

  Gheorghe MOISESCU et al., History…, p. 308; ROMANIAN ACADEMY, History of the Romanians…, p. 411.

• 58

  Gheorghe ȘINCAI, Works…, p. 155.

• 59

  Radu POPESCU VORNICUL, The Histories of the Rulers of Wallachia, Bucharest, 1963, p. 26 (he refers to him as ‘the son of a despot, descended from the Greek emperors’); Grigore URECHE, Letopisețul…, p. 83.

• 60

  ARGEȘUL ORTODOX, Printing in Wallachia between the 16th and 18th Centuries, http://www.argesulortodox.ro/aov1/index.php/homepage/educatie-si-cultura/114-activitatea-tipografica-in-Wallachia-between-the-16th-and-18th-centuries, accessed on 10 August 2017.

• 61

  Niculae ȘERBĂNESCU, The Romanian Orthodox Church…, p. 226.

• 62

  G. MIHĂILĂ, Between East and West…, p. 208.

• 63

  G. MIHĂILĂ, Between East and West…, p. 220.

• 64

  The Slavic-Romanian Chronicles…, p. 161.

• 65

  B. P. HASDEU, The Life of Maximus…, p. 68; G. MIHĂILĂ, Between East and West…, p. 208; Niculae ȘERBĂNESCU, The Romanian Orthodox Church…, p. 226, note 139 (His departure probably took place before 10 November 1508, for on that date, when the Slavonic Liturgy was completed, his name is not mentioned in the colophon, indicating that he had, of course, left the country.)

• 66

  Nicolae STOICA of Hațeg, Cronica Banatului, Timișoara, 1981, p. 127; Arsenije BUGARSKI, Sveti Maksim…, p. 17.

• 67

  E. TURDEANU, ‘On the ancient cultural exchanges between Romanians and Yugoslavs’, in: Literary Studies, III, 1939, pp. 154–155.

• 68

  G. MIHĂILĂ, Between East and West…, p. 195, note 51.

• 69

  Gheorghe ȘINCAI, Works II…, p. 181 (The History of Serbia states that Neagoe Basarab Vodă married Milița, the daughter of Lazăr Gheorghievici of Serbia, and that they reinstated Maxim, the longest-serving metropolitan, as Metropolitan of Wallachia for a time.); Niculae ȘERBĂNESCU, The Romanian Orthodox Church…, p. 228.

• 70

  Gheorghe MOISESCU et al., History…, p. 309.

• 71

  Niculae ȘERBĂNESCU, The Romanian Orthodox Church…, pp. 228–229, note 143.

• 72

  Prof. Dr Dan ZAMFIRESCU, ‘Neagoe Basarab, Prince of Romanian Culture’, in: Saint Voivode Neagoe Basarab, Prince of Wallachia (1512–†1521), Curtea de Argeș, 2009, edited by Deacon Daniel GLIGORE, p. 23.

• 73

  Nicolae STOICA of Hațeg, Cronica…, p. 127; N. IORGA, Istoria…, p. 149 (Maximian is said to have celebrated Milita’s wedding at Bistrița Monastery.).

• 74

  Niculae ȘERBĂNESCU, The Romanian Orthodox Church…, p. 227, note 142.

• 75

  THE PATRIARCHATE OF THE ROMANIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH, Romanian Saints and Defenders of the Law of the Ancestors, Bucharest, 1987, pp. 598–619.

• 76

  E. TURDEANU, From the Old…, pp. 156–157; Rev. Prof. Ion POPESCU, ‘Grounds for the canonisation of Neagoe Basarab’, in: The Holy Voivode…, p. 78.

• 77

  Romanian Literature…, pp. 56–58.

• 78

  Rev. Acad. Mircea PĂCURARIU, Printing in the Romanian Orthodox Church, Sibiu, 2016, p. 14.

• 79

  Arsenije BUGARSKI, Sveti Maksim…, p. 9.

• 80

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